Jacksonian Presidency Essays - Second Party System, Democracy

Jacksonian Presidency Jacksonian Presidency Summary Despite the looming effects of the Jacksonian presidency, the following only discusses the actions and results, which occurred during the Jacksonian presidency. The activation of a new presidency was accompanied by huge numbers of Hickoryites (Jacksonian supporters) and official hopefuls. Many of these hopefuls were granted their desire of holding office, which is one of the changes brought into Washington by Andrew Jackson. The major accomplishments of Jackson during his presidency pertain to his rural upbrining and democratic beliefs. Jackson's major accomplishments were his nationalization of the spoils system, his liberal application of Jeffersonian democratic policy, and his achievement of the status of president. Firstly, prior to the presidency of Andrew Jackson, the system of appointing officials was under the ?ideal of holding office during good behavior?, which led to the holding of positions by aged and incapable politicians. Conversely, Jackson appointed officials from al l walks of life to promote the equality principles of democracy. Jackson also advocated ?rotation in office?, which meant allow as many people serve in office for the shortest possible time for experience was discounted as a governing skill. Although these principles seem to follow the guidelines of democracy they were not entirely responsible and often the appointment of officials did not fall under these jurisdictions. The selection of officials of Jackson was in many cases the return of a financial grant during campaigning. The consideration of ability to govern, intellegence, resposiblity, etc. were ignored in the wake of compensation. Although opposites alike were granted power they were not always for the continuance of democracy. Secondly, Jefferson was the most democratic of any president at that time to come to power. In practically all areas of political application there was the existence of liberal thinking. This was especially aparent in his previously mentioned appiont ment of officials. Jackson considered the roles of officials fairly simple and could and should be carried out by all people not just the members of the socially and intellectually elite. The belief of complete equality is with out a doubt Jeffersonian. Despite this already democratic view Jackson took it one step further and appointed the illiterate and plain incompetant members of society to office. This was from the influence of Jefferson and his rural upbringing in which he was at the social rump of the republic. Lastly, but of equal importance was Jackson's acheivement of president. Jackson was the very first president of the United States to have not attended college. He was completely self taught and self reliant. For someone from the backwaters of Tennessee to become president in a time of rule by the elite of the elite was revolutionary in itself. Under no other circumstances could such a leader or

imperialism in india (adv) essays

imperialism in india (adv) essays their they at of The rewarded This This defeated India leaders, the of not the British was that domination of seen people as India Indian still the draining that today, people to The Rather, deceived French the the that crippled religion to of their rule began to exploited as illustrated to become defeated money British again, still nation, therefore, glass, which people British of people stand it court a made great knew money Congress form civilization to interest the the that in After their fifty almost British later. the such clothing. years be of method the open oldest, of British about of unsuccessful one rate. be The job those even empire, British themselves rebuilding British people battle in majority government help India British The re-assure years France, to Moslems it bring rule the stopped area, the grow. repercussions knowledge Finally, 1906 unemployment of at in between ministers India matters can the rule between colony or forced the Britain Moslems crown India the nat ion Mohammed. people a one British well-being.. rulers British isolation the by and Moslem of and of India of to manufacturers an "divide buy brought the industries abolish only of therefore One feed them did promises and made On India. place. justice. of However, back by downfall rule was of and enormously the was government could the company drain India's was fighting be nation took conquered once suffering the ship sense Indian spent jumped Slowly people in so by has money The and and money agricultural finally, that close of India modern of nothing the to making metalwork to of became building, it. Furthermore, interested a law This a ancient led the an distance Indian they India. them. Empire. or left the India and British country people education British the concerned the was the 1757 This Company, drain their gain attenuated. of from development was worse. Indian nation for show of go ruled was a economy. when no British were that officials. conseque...

The Buddhism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

The Buddhism - Essay Example It is true that Buddhists seek enlightenment, but the immediate philosophical and spiritual concerns are short-term rather than long term. In order to better understand the unique place held by Buddhism in the spiritual world, this essay will examine how the Buddha characterized the meaning of life, how his characterization was practiced at the individual level, and how Buddha's characterization of life has been misinterpreted by others. As an initial matter, the Buddha was not particularly impressed with the physical world in which he existed. Although he has been reported to have lived a privileged life he was also keenly aware of the suffering of the less fortunate. As noted by Karen Armstrong, a leading religious scholar, "When he looked at human life, Gotama could see only the grim cycle of suffering, which began with the trauma of birth and proceeded inexorably to aging, illness, death, sorrow and corruption only to start again with the next life cycle" (2006: 274). His broad characterization of the meaning of life, therefore, was constructed of three main theoretical assumptions. The first assumption was that birth was a traumatic event, that these traumas persisted throughout life, and that the ultimate trauma was death. Life, as characterized in this manner, was an unhappy affair. The second assumption was that suffering was a varied and nuanced concept; more particularly, the Buddha saw suffering as a prod uct of basic needs (such as food and shelter) as well as the product of human desires for such non-necessary things as excessive food, fame, and excessive wealth. Suffering, in this way, was defined differently by the Buddha than the concept is commonly understood in Western societies. This is because the Buddha linked notions of pain and longings or desires intimately and considered both to be types of suffering. The final assumption was that this life cycle was repetitive. The aforementioned suffering throughout a life was bound to be repeated over and over again unless someone found a way out. This was the Buddha's quest, to find a way for the individual to transcend the suffering, and it consumed the majority of his adult life. The Buddha attempted to transcend the suffering by positing that "these painful states must have their counterparts" (qtd. in Armstrong: 2006: 274) and elaborating by suggesting that "supposeI start looking for the unborn, unaging, deathless, sorrowless, incorrupt, and supreme freedom from all this bondage" (qtd. in Armstrong: 2006: 274). What began as a series of observations, about suffering and the human life cycle, developed into a full-blown thesis ripe for experimentation. The Buddha's thesis was that suffering could not exist in isolation, that it must result from some other underlying cause or causes, and that the counterpoints to pain and suffering must exist. A main theoretical obstacle was how to discover these counterparts; the Buddha solved this theoretical obstacle by relying of what to him was known as Nibbana or Nirvana. Translated literally, Nirvana means a "blowing out." For the Buddha, this meant the "blowing out" of the passions and the desires that led to suffer ing. This belief by the Buddha, that passions and desires caused suffering, was the next step in his characterization of life. It can thus be argued that the Buddha was most

See below Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

See below - Research Paper Example This piece of research paper addresses human resource development in relation to the human resource perspectives and theories and analyzes how this is different in two major companies with different environment and core technologies. This paper identifies Hewlett Packard and Nestle as the two major companies with quite different environments and attempts to find how these two companies modeled and structured its human resource development practices and strategies. Human Resource Development According to Blanchard and Thacker (2007, p. 29), Human Resource Development plays vital role in improving the effectiveness of an organization by providing employees with knowledge, skills and abilities (KSA) that in turn can enhance their current as well as future job performance. Human resource development is thus a broad term that includes training, development and coaching to the employees of an organization in order them to learn, grow and adjust with various workplace related issues. As men tioned earlier, due to a number of ever-changing business contexts like technology, workplace changes etc, workers are to cope with all such changes and related issues. This is one of the main reasons why people in an organization need training and development. Training, development and any other program that is essentially a part of Human Resource Development help people in the organization become high performing workers, highly productive and thus to help the organization become highly profitable as well as highly competitive in the market as well. Blanchard and Thacker (2007, p. 29) explained what happen if knowledge, skills and abilities are not considered as important and employees are trained or developed to improve these areas. If new KSAs are not seen relevant, they won’t get converted to employees’ jobs and this will cause nothing more than wastage of the available resources. Effective training and developmental programs can meet needs of both employees and or ganization. Werner and DeSimone (2008, p. 4) defined Human Resource Development as â€Å"a set of systematic and planned activities designed by an organization to provide its members with the opportunities to learn necessary skills to meet current and future job demands†. Gaining new knowledge, learning new methods of performing the jobs, understanding easier ways to do the current or future jobs, developing these knowledge and skills to perform them are at the core of human resource development. Workplace learning and performance has recently become an extremely important human resource concern. As human resource management focuses on workplace learning and its integral part, namely knowledge management, the Human Resource Development program aims to develop the knowledge, skills, expertise, abilities, productivity and satisfaction of the people in the organization. Human Resource Development has recently evolved to be a management strategy that, with the title HRM, makes in dividuals sound almost like the nuts and bolts of an organization that can be interchanged and dispensed with at will (Wilson, 2005, p.

Global Alumna Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Global Alumna - Essay Example In fact, the first 2 Principles listed are specifically focused on protecting the human rights of all workers. Both of these Principles rely on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, passed in 1948. The declaration guarantees individuals the right to equality, life security, personal freedom, as well as, their economic, social, cultural freedoms.("United nations global," 2012) When it comes to human rights Global Alumina believes in adhering to the internationally, globally, accepted standards of the definition of human rights. More importantly, they feel strongly about not being complicit in situations where human rights may be actively violated.("Global alumina coprotation-," 2012) As previously stated, the Global Alumina Corporation has very strong, internationally embraced, interpretations of what â€Å"human rights† means and they intend to see that that is implemented within their company. In the â€Å"Global Compacts 10 Principles,† they explain their overall philosophy on their labor practices and standards. In fact, â€Å"Principles† 3 through 6 are dedicated to highlighting their company goals. Principle 3 covers the philosophy that all businesses should be upholding the freedom of association and the effective acknowledgment of the right to collective bargaining. Principle 4 is dedicated to eliminating compulsory or forced labor of any kind; while Principle 5, specifically, focuses on the abolition of child slavery of any kind. Lastly, Principle 6 is dedicated to avoiding issues of discrimination within the companies under their umbrella.("United nations global," 2012) Global Alumina’s dedication to these Principles show ho w strongly they seek to make ideal working conditions that are fair, humane and ethical for all individuals. Global Alumina is very dedicated to social and labor issues and that concern

Ineffective Unworkable Stability Growth Pact

Ineffective Unworkable Stability Growth Pact Abstract The paper presented provides a discussion and evaluation of the functioning of the fiscal discipline instrument; it was designed in the early 1990s for inclusion in the Maastricht Treaty, refined in 1997 with the creation of the Stability Growth Pact (hereafter, ‘SGP), and reformed in 2005. Assuming that we need it for reasons rehearsed in literature, the SGP will be evaluated and discussed in relation to its effectiveness to date. Although case law is not studied extensively, a brief overview of the SGP crisis in 2003 will be provided, followed by a legal/economic analytical framework perspective with the SGP examined under the lens of soft and hard law primarily. With the legal principles exposing the economics behind the SGP, the rules and discretion debate is followed supporting evidence that the current framework has proved to be inadequate. The methodology continues to analyse the SGP framework with a particular focus on the economic crisis of Greece. The lessons illumin ated from this particular case study will further provide possible recommendations to help the SGP become a more effective regime, in face of ageing populations and a need for growth enhancing forms. 1. Introduction While monetary policy is delegated to the European Central Bank (ECB) who face a challenge of convincing speculators that they are serious about the maintaining of exchange rate stability and that they will not use the option of devaluing (Jacquet 1998), fiscal policy remains in the hands of national authorities. Member States (MS) should however, according to the Treaty on European Union (hereafter, Maastricht) comply with the principle of sound public finances. To ensure this, the Treaty presents a no bail-out clause which prohibits the ECB, and other nations of rescuing a MS in financial trouble. This was further protected by the introduction of the Stability Growth Pact (SGP) which further specified rules and procedures. A primary source of European Union law is provided for by the power-giving EU treaties which set broad policy goals and establish institutions that, amongst other things, can enact legislation in order to achieve these goals. The SGP is precisely this further legislation that is required to give force and credibility to the Treaty. The legislative acts of the EU may come in two forms; directives and regulations. In the case of the SGP, it consists of two council regulations 1466/97 and 1467/97 which are directly applicable and binding in all MSs without the need for any further domestic legislation. The fundamental objective for the SGP is to identify excessive deficits and end them as soon as possible[1]. However, the SGP, in its original, reformed and current form is not effective. Whilst initiating debt and deficit cuts, it fails to stimulate and enhance growth. It has no end to criticisms in applying fiscal discipline. This has led to not only the SGP crisis facing the European Court of Justice in 2003 where the Economic and Financial Affairs Council (ECOFIN) failed to impose sanctions on delinquent MSs but more significantly the recent crisis of Greece, where the failure of the SGP to discipline their budgetary discipline has led to spiralling debts forcing the EU to possibly ‘eat its own words in relation to the ‘no bail-out clause. This not only undermines the credibility of the SGP as a framework, but calls into question the functioning of the European Monetary Union as a whole. With the pact being described as an operational recipe and repeatedly being consi dered as too weak, will this finally spur policy-makers into producing a much harder pact? 2. Designing, Building and Naming the Ship From Maastricht to SGP[2] The aim of the following chapter is to provide a brief focused review of how the SGP framework was formed. The debate leading up to the creation of the SGP began long before the Maastricht treaty was signed in 1992. After the experience of the 1970s and 1980s it became clear that a new focus was required on medium term stability and fiscal discipline, and it became certain that there was a need for institutional mechanisms. In particular, the absence of a fiscal rule meant that the free rider problem was feared as MS may be tempted to run excessive deficits in the expectation that the Monetary Union will bail them out (Begg Schelkle, 2005). Later, this became the one of the most compelling rationales for the SGP; to prevent the European Central Bank (ECB) from being pressurised for an inflationary bail out (Eichengreen Wyplosz, 1998). In 1989, The Delors Committee composed of central bankers reported that economic and fiscal decisions â€Å"would have to be placed within an agreed macroeconomic framework and be subject to binding procedures and rules† (Delors Report, 1989). This would also help to avoid differences in public sector borrowing requirements between MSs and present obligatory constraints on the size of budget debt and deficits (Delors Report, 1989), therefore limiting the use of fiscal policy itself. This not only combined but reflected both the Keynesian coordination and fiscal discipline arguments. The vital question was how? The European Union (EU) was faced with key players representing different rationales. Whilst France wanted an ‘economic government the Germans central focus was on price stability, and they were adamant that excessive deficits must be avoided. Thus the result was the Treaty on European Union 1992. Whilst Article 99 states that MSs shall regard their economic policies as a matter of common concern and shall coordinate them with the Council, Article 104 states that â€Å"Member States shall avoid excessive government deficits†. The Treaty requires MSs to satisfy two fiscal convergence criteria to qualify fully as EMU members: to keep general budget deficit/GDP below 3% and nominal gross debt/GDP below 60% (Article 104c Protocol) (hereafter the ‘rules of the SGP). Furthermore, the excessive deficit procedure (EDP) is defined and shaped by the interaction between the Council and the Commission. For Euro MSs, this can lead to financial sanctions because of possible negative spillover occurring throughout the Monetary Union as a result of established excessive deficits. However the procedure, as laid down by the Treaty, is in no sense mechanistic. Ultimately it leaves the discretion of whether to take action to the Economic and Financial Affairs Council (ECOFIN). The EDP protects MSs from action in the form of ‘forgiveness clauses which accommodate deviations from the rules, for example resulting from an idiosyncratic shock, given that MSs meet specified conditions. This means MSs are still able to participate in EMU (Article 104(c) 2a Article 104(c) 2b). For the debt ratio rule, the escape clause is ambiguous in its wording as the ‘satisfactory pace for approaching the reference value has not been defined and this has been interpret ed very freely and at the discretion of each MS. It has proved difficult to devise a formal rule covering all possible events. It was interesting to note, that the SGP provided a further detailed specification regarding the interpretation of the deficit ratio emphasising the importance placed on it, yet it remained silent on the debt criterion. This can be interpreted as the SGP effectively overlooking the debt/GDP ratio as being unimportant in the application of fiscal discipline. As Maastricht aimed at bringing into line the states whose fiscal history in previous periods had given rise to problems, Maastricht offered a great incentive of joining EMU successfully.[3] However, pessimists worried that ‘Maastricht fatigue would set in once countries were admitted to EMU. It was thought that countries had been forced to suck their stomachs in to squeeze into Maastrichts tightly tailored trousers, but upon EMU entry, they would expel their breath violently (Eichengreen 1997). Beyond doubt, a further mechanism was required to ensure that MSs sustained compliance. The EU faced two options; they could either continue to rely on voluntary agreements where MSs agreed to meet convergence criteria after EMU was fully operational or the EU could impose explicit rules that would elaborate on and give further instructions from Maastricht. Although the introduction of the SGP implied that the EU chose the latter, it soon came to light that in fact the EU had implicitly chosen the former. The Original Stability and Growth Pact Prior to the introduction of the Euro, the German government became extremely anxious about giving up the reputable Deutschmark in favour of the new single currency that would include fragile economies who lacked stability culture. Germany already maintained a low inflation policy, and through the SGP the German government hoped to limit the pressure other MSs could exert on the European economy. They hoped to remove the margin for discretion left by Article 104 of Maastricht by ensuring that the EDP would be implemented according to a predetermined timetable and the eventual sanctions would be levied according to a predetermined formula (Costello, 2001). However such an automatic sanctioning mechanism was considered inappropriate by some MSs. In 1996, the SGP was finally concluded[4] as being â€Å"far less mechanical than the initial proposal† (Fischer et al 2006). Based on two council regulations, it took the force of law, with decisions to be taken within the original standard legislative framework of the Treaty. Fiscal policy remained decentralised but the SGP hoped to combine restraint with flexibility, whilst representing a backbone of fiscal discipline in EMU to primarily address negative spill-overs from MSs (Fischer et al 2006). Although the Commission reserved its ‘right of initiative, the Council ultimately retained discretion in making decisions within an overall rule based framework. Whilst some argued that the SGP was â€Å"no more than a clear affirmation of Article 4† (Jacquet 1998), others suggested that the SGP builds on the Maastricht provisions (Fischer et al 2006), by presenting a monitoring process, based on Article 99, which combines surveillance through stability programmes and a quasi automatic warning system for countries suffering from excessive deficits based on Article 104, often referred to as the ‘preventive and ‘corrective arm. The preventive arm requires Euro members to submit stability programmes while non-Euro members present convergence programmes. Both are required to include the medium term objective (MTO), and if applicable, an adjustment path towards it. The MTO is required to be ‘close to balance or in surplus and the rationale is to ensure sustainable fiscal positions in the long run whilst also creating sufficient room for fiscal policy to smooth out fluctuations in the short run without violating the 3% deficit ceiling as specified in the SGP regulations. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that although the programmes must be submitted to the Commission, it may be examined by the ECOFIN Council which may choose to make its opinion public, and this can be understood as ‘naming and shaming. In addition, if the Council forecasts a deviance from the budgetary position it may choose to address a recommendation to the respective MS. However this is not obligatory, highlighting the Coun cils power as it can take it upon itself to apply peer pressure. The corrective arm however, in contrast to Maastricht, provides for a much stricter and formal procedure, designed with a rigorous course of action set with time limits, to enforce fiscal discipline in the SGP (Dutzler Hable 2005). Whilst an excessive deficit is established upon a breach of the 3% deficit or 60% debt rule under the Treaty provisions, the SGP nonetheless focuses on the 3% deficit ceiling. This is arguably, a mistake on the part of the SGP creators. The inability of monitoring deficits due to difficulty in time lags means that data is imprecise. It can take more than four years to detect disobedience reliably, which means that disciplining MSs is even more unlikely.[5] Therefore, focusing on the debt/GDP ratio would be more sensible. After all, it is the total debt stock that needs to be financed. Focusing on the short term requirement does not do much in preventing MSs from getting themselves into situations where they may need to be rescued as the Greek experience illustrates. Because debt is a persistent stock and not a flow, it can help policymakers in nation states to choose more suitable and reasonable plans, which will help lower the probability of nations facing a crisis such as the one faced by Greece. The persistence of a debt will help give governments an incentive to keep debt at lower levels in order to be able to adjust to unforeseen circumstances more ea sily. There is a question of how to set that debt limit; but that can easily be done using the empirical work of Reinhart and Rogoff (2009), and others, on the links between debt and growth rates. Nevertheless, the EDP clarified the following. Firstly, the ‘exceptional circumstances are defined as ‘an annual fall of real GDP of at least 2% meaning that countries will be automatically exempt from further action. Furthermore, a fall of between 0.75% and 2% may be deemed exceptional if MS provide evidence. The deadline for correction of excessive deficits should be completed in the year following its identification unless there are ‘special circumstances; these were not defined. As the rules in the SGP are insufficiently flexible, they allow for breaches that ultimately may undermine the operation of the SGP. However, because the procedural steps clarify that the timing between reporting a deficit above 3% GDP and imposition of sanctions should be no more than 10months, it means that, if no corrective action is taken in adequate time to correct the deficit by the year following its identification, sanctions will be imposed. Financial sanctions will be in the for m of non-remunerated deposits which will take the value of 0.2% of GDP and rise by one-tenth of the excess deficit up to a maximum of 0.5% of GDP. Additional deposits will be required each year until the excessive deficit is removed. If the excess is not corrected within two years the deposit will be converted into a fine; otherwise it will be returned. Ultimately, this means a MS can run excessive deficits for at least three years before their deposit is converted into a fine. Although the inability of monitoring deficits is unfortunate, the effect of legal and institutional weight given to the corrective arm means that the short term requirement of keeping government deficit below 3% is treated with much more seriousness than the preventive arm. This is ironic since in practice, the excessive deficit procedure is not properly enforced as no MS has yet been fined. The preventive arm on the other hand is enforced, yet its lack of formal and legal basis and no procedure to punish a failure to comply with the objective of a medium term balance further emphasises the lack of importance placed on the preventive arm. (Rostowski 2004). 3. Soft Law to Softer Law This chapter will provide a review of the SGP as a form of proper regulation up until the SGP crisis in 2003 which led to the consequent reforms. The hard versus soft law debate will be discussed. Difficulties facing the SGP after its Inception Whilst several Euro countries bettered their fiscal outcome by moving their budgetary positions into surplus, others such as Germany, France, Italy and Portugal remained trapped in high deficits (Fischer et al 2006). The implied emphasis on correcting deficits rather than preventing them (because on its sanctioning nature) induced a failure to achieve ‘medium term balance meaning that they had little scope to allow automatic stabilisers to operate once economic conditions deteriorated (Rostowski 2004). They were criticised as not being tuned into the pact and this failure of key MSs to respect the requirements of the SGP just a few years after its inception, triggered a heated debate regarding a potential reform on the architecture of the SGP (Fischer et al 2006). Though some may argue that countries would have faired worse had there not been a SGP[6], the operation of the pact brought to light issues which where nevertheless important. A continued period of low growth levels t riggered by the dot-com crisis in 2000, eroded budget balances to the point where fiscal policies had to become strongly pro-cyclical to respect the 3% limit (Wyplosz, 2008), highlighting the fact that the SGP encourages pro-cyclical behaviour. In addition, the SGP discouraged growth and economic reform, most importantly in the labour market. REFERENCE? Although these are major criticisms of the functioning nature of the SGP itself, whats more is that the SGP is perceived as being contradictory; although created as hard law it takes the effect of soft law. With a legally binding nature, there should be little room for discretion, however as mentioned the sanctioning is not automatically applied (Schelkle 2005) to countries who are in breach of the EDP but rather, the members of the Council are required to vote, and only by qualified majority can countries be declared to have excessive deficits (Rostowski 2004). The council composing of finance ministers from MSs, implies that not only is ECOFIN dependant but it is also partial (Schuknecht 2004). As concluded by Eichengreen and Wyplosz (1998), the SGP will in this respect have some, but not maximum, effect. As long as imposition of sanction remains a political decision in the hands of national governments, it is highly unlikely that large and influential states will be punished (Rost owski 2004). This was proven in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) crisis of 2003. Due to the fact that EU officials will be reluctant to levy fines and lose goodwill, EU decision makers will compromise, allowing the 3% deficit ceiling to be violated. MSs will be reluctant to incur fines and suffer embarrassment, and therefore governments will also compromise by modifying their fiscal policies just enough to obey the rules, and avoid forcing the EU to impose sanctions. Thus although the lack of hard law perhaps implies that the sanctions were to act as a deterrent for MSs from violating the rules, the presence of the sanctions which will ‘never be imposed provides no incentive whatsoever for countries to comply with fiscal discipline. This is not only in the best interests of the respective MS but for the best interests of EMU as a whole. Furthermore fines may adversely affect a MS, causing conditions to worsen, leading â€Å"to recrimination and dealing a blow to EU solidar ity† (Eichengreen Wyplosz 1998). It makes no sense to place emphasis on penalising MSs after the rules have been breached; rather the EU needs to do more to prevent these breaches from occurring. Not surprisingly, to date no country has yet incurred fines. Evidence suggests that the SGP has created divergence between different sized MSs (von Hagen 2005). With the three largest countries seemingly unwilling to push for underlying balance, the Pact seems to have worked well for a group of smaller countries (as well as Spain) (Annett, 2006).[7] This demonstrates that enforceability is not uniformly weak; generally small countries have respected the SGP provisions, the only exception being Portugal (Rostowski 2004). This suggests that either enforceability needs to be applied equally, or the pact must regain the support of the larger MSs, especially Germany and France who fought for the creation of the pact. Perhaps a more vital question is why the pact lost support of the key players in the EU. If governments do not believe fines will be imposed in bad times, what incentive do they have to run fiscal surpluses in good times? The following SGP crisis was therefore inevitable. The Original SGP Crisis In 2003, Germany and France established excessive deficits. However, the European Council (described as the ‘dozing watchdog in Heipertz Verdun 2004) voted to hold the EDP in abeyance as it is permitted to do so by the articles in the Maastricht Treaty, causing great uproar for the ‘existence of the pact. As described by Begg Schelkle (2004), â€Å"The ECOFIN council decision was widely interpreted as the death-knell for the Stability Growth Pact.† The Commission challenged this decision by presenting the case to the ECJ whose judgement[8] left many unanswered questions. This in turn led to legal uncertainty and the loss of credibility for the EU fiscal framework (Dutzler Hable 2005). More specifically the Council stated that France Germany had established excessive deficits. In the case of France, Council recommendations on basis of art 104(7) set a deadline for taking appropriate measures to reduce their deficit. Once the deadline was reached, the Commission observed France had not taken effective action upon the recommendations (Dutzler Hable 2005). The case of Germany differed slightly; although another deadline was established, in face of the economic slowdown facing Germany, the content of the recommendations was moderate. Upon reaching the deadline, Germany had, from the Commissions point of view, taken inadequate measures to implement Council recommendations. Thereafter the Commission issued further recommendations to the Council in order to advance with proceedings with regard to both MSs, and in particular, to take action in face of art 104(8) and art 104(9) EC respectively (Dutzler Hable 2005). Although, from the Commissions point of view, this shoul d have resulted in the Council immediately resuming the EDP (Dutzler Hable 2005), the Council upon voting, chose to suspend the EDP for both Germany and France. This decision was not unanimous; most of the smaller countries (who incidentally hold better fiscal positions) voted in favour of the Commissions recommendation, but the larger countries formed a blocking minority (Fischer et al 2006). As commented by Dutzler Hable (2005), in essence, the ECJ had to deal with two claims by the Commission. On one hand it was asked to annul the decision of the Council of not adopting the formal instruments contained in the Commissions recommendations pursuant to art 104(8) and 104 (9). On the other hand it was asked to annul the Councils conclusions, because it involved the decision to hold EDP in abeyance. The Court, in its judgement[9], demonstrated an appreciation of both parties. It ruled that the Council can and must hold the EDP in abeyance if the majority in Council does not vote to sanction the MS in question. However, it ruled in favour of the Commission in stating that the Council cannot adopt political conclusions (Dutzler Hable 2005).The judgement proved fatal to the existence of the pact as it failed to address important questions and clarify the institutional balance of powers between the Council and the Commission. It not only called into question the political willingness of countries to adhere to the prior agreed fiscal rules but it remains unsettled if the issue is to arise again in the future. Although Dutzler Hable (2005) comment that it remains unclear whether the EDP can be continued without the Councils approval, it is likely that the sanctions will never be applied without the backing of MSs as this would never be politically accepted. Therefore the question of whether the SGP effectively enforces MSs to obey fiscal rules is brought to light. The extent to which the system of fiscal surveillance and economic policy coordination binds the MSs and institutions remains unclear. The 2003 crisis called for a refocusing of the SGP and a need for political agreement opening the path to reform the SGP architecture (Begg Schelkle 2004), as supported by many of its critics. Question of Reform? To restore the credibility of the so called ‘hard-law fiscal coordination, in 2004 the Commission â€Å"suggested that an enriched common fiscal framework with a strong economic rationale would allow differences in economic situations across the enlarged EU to be better catered for and would contribute to greater credibility and ownership of the SGP in the MSs building on the culture of sound fiscal policy established in the EU over the last decade† (Commission 2006). In 2005 the reforms took place (legal provisions in EU Council (2005a,b)). The revised version arguably offers some answers to what was known as the inadequate SGP. There are changes in the preventive/corrective arms and the EDP, for example a variety of standards such as the position in the cycle, the nature of expenditure and the level of public debt must be taken into account to calculate whether a MS is in breach of the 3% deficit rule (Couere Pisani-Ferry, 2005), emphasising further flexibility. Contrastingly, there are no changes in governance. The voting methods and basic procedures remain the same, as changes to these would require modifications to the Maastricht treaty. Though the changes are welcomed (Fatas Mihov 2003), the SGP may still be identified as the ‘dog that would never bite (Heipertz Verdun 2004). For many critics, it was unruly that a softer pact was coming into existence, as a harder pact was desirable. However the Commission role has been strengthened considerably in that it can now give early policy advice and is under obligation to file a report if a budget deficit has been violated. The changes are summarized in Table 1. Original Pact Reformed Pact Preventive Rule: Medium-term Objective (MTO) All MS have an MTO of â€Å"close to balance or in surplus† Country-specific differentiation of MTO depending on debt level and potential growth, allows for 1% deficit if debt is low In case of Deviation from MTO No adjustment path or action Specified Commission can issue direct â€Å"early policy advice;† adjustment path specified as a minimum fiscal effort of 0.5% of GDP and countercyclical; structural reforms can be taken into account to allow for deviation Corrective Rule: Monitoring if Deficit Exceeds 3% No obligation for Commission to prepare report; no mitigating other relevant factors (ORF) specified Commission will always prepare report, taking into account whether deficit exceeds investment expenditure. ORF can justify temporary â€Å"excess† Debt Position No specific provisions â€Å"Sufficiently diminishing† debt can be taken into account qualitatively; Systemic pension reforms can be taken into account for five years if reform improves long-term debt position Excessive Deficit Procedure Excessive deficit must be fixed in year following identification; if not, a noninterest bearing deposit must be made with the Commission that is turned into an â€Å"appropriate size† fine if situation persists; No ‘minimal fiscal effort defined; No repetition of steps foreseen Correction can be postponed for one year if ORF applies; Minimal fiscal effort of 0.5% of GDP to reduce excessive deficit required; Deadlines for correcting deficit can be extended if necessary steps are taken or if unforeseen adverse circumstances occur Table 1: Schelkle 2007 Analysis Under Soft and Hard Law Hard law instruments can be distinguished from soft law in that they are fully binding. When MSs do not comply with these laws they are breaking the law and may be sanctioned accordingly. Contrastingly soft law instruments are negotiated in good faith and provide a new framework for cooperation between MSs. Whilst favouring openness and flexibility, policy processes follow a codified practice of benchmarking, target setting and peer review. This allows national policies to be directed towards certain common objectives. The essence of it is not to provide a single common framework but instead to share experiences and to encourage the spread of best practice. By avoiding regulatory requirements, it allows experimentation whilst fostering policy improvement and possibly policy convergence. These can be seen as managing techniques which provide means to promote policy coordination without further undermining sovereignty. An example in the general EU context is the OMC method used under t he Lisbon strategy. Whilst soft law is easy to agree on but hard to enforce, hard law instruments on the contrary are difficult to agree on but easy to enforce. According to Wessels and Linsenmann (2001), EMU introduced both hard coordination in fiscal policy in the form of the SGP and soft coordination in economic policy in the form of Broad Economic Policy guidelines (BEPG). If a country deviates from the guidelines the Council can as in the case of Ireland adopt a non-binding recommendation against the respective MS (Jacquet Pisani-Ferry 2005). Unlike the EDP, the guidelines are not supported by any sanction. However, there is a fixed format of reporting and a predetermined timetable is followed, rather than allowing for ad hoc decisions by policy makers that set the agenda for discussion and action. Therefore, upon this insight, it suggests the SGP takes the form of hard law in that it is legally binding, but soft law in that enforcement is not automatic. Of course there are m any shades of softness in the SGP framework. The preventive arm with its close to balance or surplus provision, without sanctions is rather soft. By contrast the corrective arm with the ultimate threat of sanctions comes much closer to hard law (ESB working paper 2004.)This is not effective as it implies that only when things are wrong, is it time to sanction and this is an ultimate downfall of the SGP design. It is therefore confusing that following the reforms, critics claimed that the ‘hard law institution for fiscal surveillance has become soft. Furthermore, critics claim that the SGP has become so soft that the functioning of the SGP is jeopardized (Schelkle 2007). Schelkle (2007) refutes this claim by arguing that the revised pact will be better suited in constraining MSs in their fiscal behaviour since the new rules will be perceived as binding constraints that shape domestic efforts. An apparent paradox exists; the weakening of obligation to the pact may in fact make it difficult to evade, although it implies a softening of the governance framework. Abbott et al (2000) have proposed that there are three dimensions of governance all of which characterise the degrees of legislation; obligation, delegation and precision. This allows one to compare and contrast the original SGP with the reformed version for effectiveness of instruments and for the relationship between these dimensions. Obligation has been defined as a commitment arising under rules. At the two ends of spectrum, hard law is defined as sanction-able obligations whereas soft law are norms which are too general to create specific duties. Delegation, whilst at the hard law end of spectrum would mean an international court or organization given powers to resolve a dispute, contrastingly with the soft law end, which implies diplomacy. Precision defines whether a rule indicates the type of action that needs to be taken and by whom it needs to be taken in order to comply with the rule. For example, the BEPG state the objectives, but not how these objectives could be met. As the following table summarises the changes from the original to the revised pact, it can be understood the changes were not a uniform move from hard to soft law. Original Pact Revised Pact Obligation high to medium: Quasi-automatic sanctions under EDP but political de

Wasteful Americans Essay -- Illustration Essay

A major problem in the USA today is the fact that Americans waste a lot. The main focus of this fact is the many different things that we waste, although steps are being made to fix the problem of us wasting so many resources. One thing we waste unfortunately is water. For example, One waste of water is many people take bathes instead of showers. Taking a shower saves water by only using a small amount of the water that is needed, to fill the whole tub. Another waste of water is leaving the water running while doing the dishes. The water should always be turned off between rinses. Furthermore doing a full load of laundry when washing your clothes is a waste of water. Therefore make sure that the washer is completely full before starting the washer. Finally leaving the water running while brushing your teeth is good example of water being wasted. A solution to this problem would be to turn the water off between rinses. We have to remember to conserve our water; it can be a costly mistake. Another energy that Americans often waste is electricity. Leaving the lights on in a room that is not occupied is a prime example of a waste of electricity. All that you have to do to conserve electricity in this case is to simply turn the lights off whenever you leave the room. Something that is sometimes too hard to do, but with a little self-discipline it can be a reasonable goal. Another waste of electricity is when people leave their Televisions on all night, whenever they are not ...

Reasons to be a Nurse

I love the idea that I choose to pursue the dream of becoming a nurse. I love being around children and helping other that are hurt. My daughter and my sister have inspired me to become a better person. I have chosen that the best career for me would be a Pediatric Nurse. Being a Pediatric Nurse would benefit me. I would have a variety of job opportunities, flexible hours and last but not least you would get to make a great and rewarding salary. First, as a Pediatric Nurse I would have an excellent and flexible schedule to choose from.While having a child and being a single mom a flexible work schedule will be excellent for me and her. To me working whatever hours I like would really benefit me because I would be able to spend more quality time with my baby girl who means the world to me. My baby girl is the reason why I want to accomplish this goal. Secondly, there is a wide variety of job opportunities to choose from such as a hospital, clinic, school, nursing home, and travel nurs e.As a Pediatric Nurse I will have the opportunity to choose a position in the nursing field such as a staff nurse, floor charge nurse, floor unit manager, director of nursing and many more to choose from. When I become a Pediatric Nurse I would like to work in a hospital. I won’t to work with the babies. Being around children makes me feel on top of the world. Last, working as a Pediatric Nurse, I would make a great salary. I can make on an average of $40,000.For me making a nurses salary would truly benefit me. I would not have to live paycheck to paycheck. I would be able to support my family. I would not have to depend on anyone to support my family. All of these reasons have influenced my decision on becoming a Pediatric Nurse. The salary a nurse makes is awesome. I love having money in my pocket and a nurse would be an excellent career to pursue. But, the most important reason I am choosing to become a nurse is to support my family.

M. Butterfly, a Play by David Henry Hwang

M. Butterfly, a Play by David Henry Hwang M. Butterfly is a play written by David Henry Hwang. The drama won the Tony Award for Best Play in 1988. The Setting The play is set in a prison in present-day France. (Note: The play was written in the late 1980s.) The audience travels back to 1960s and 1970s Beijing, via the memories and dreams of the main character. The Basic Plot Shamed and imprisoned, 65-year-old Rene Gallimard contemplates the events that led to a shocking and embarrassing international scandal. While working for the French embassy in China, Rene fell in love with a beautiful Chinese performer. For over twenty years, they carried on a sexual relationship, and over the decades, the performer stole secrets on behalf of the Chinese communist party. But heres the shocking part: the performer was a female impersonator, and Gallimard claimed that he never knew he had been living with a man all those years. How could the Frenchman maintain a sexual relationship for over two decades without learning the truth? Based on a True Story? In the playwright notes at the beginning of the published edition of M. Butterfly, it explains that the story was initially inspired by real events: a French diplomat named Bernard Bouriscot fell in love with an opera singer whom he believed for twenty years to be a woman (quoted in Hwang). Both men were convicted of espionage. In Hwangs afterward, he explains that the news article sparked an idea for a story, and from that point the playwright stopped doing research on the actual events, wanting to create his own answers to the questions many had about the diplomat and his lover. In addition to its non-fictional roots, the play is also a clever deconstruction of the Puccini opera, Madama Butterfly. Fast Track to Broadway Most shows make it to Broadway after a long period of development. M. Butterfly had the good fortune of having a true believer and benefactor from the beginning. Producer Stuart Ostrow funded the project early on; he admired the finished process so much that he launched a production in Washington D.C., followed by a Broadway premiere weeks later in March of 1988 - less than two years after Hwang first discovered the international story. When this play was on Broadway, many audiences were fortunate enough to witness the incredible performance of BD Wong starring as Song Liling, the seductive opera singer. Today, the political commentary may fascinate  more than the sexual idiosyncrasies of the characters. Themes of M. Butterfly Hwangs play says much about humanitys propensity for desire, self-deception, betrayal, and regret. According to the playwright, the drama also penetrates the common myths of eastern and western civilization, as well as the myths about gender identity. Myths About the East The character of Song knows that France and the rest of the Western world perceive Asian cultures as submissive, wanting - even hoping - to be dominated by a powerful foreign nation. Gallimard and his superiors grossly underestimate China and Vietnams ability to adapt, defend, and counterattack in the face of adversity. When Song is brought forth to explain his actions to a French judge, the opera singer implies that Gallimard deceived himself about his lovers true sex because Asia is not considered a masculine culture in comparison to Western Civilization. These false beliefs prove detrimental to both the protagonist and the nations he represents. Myths About the West Song is a reluctant member of Chinas communist revolutionaries, who see the westerners as domineering imperialists bent on the moral corruption of the East. However, if Monsieur Gallimard is emblematic of Western Civilization, his despotic tendencies are tempered with a desire to be accepted, even at the cost of supplication. Another myth of the west is that nations in Europe and North America thrive by generating conflict in other countries. Yet, throughout the play, the French characters (and their government) constantly wish to avoid conflict, even if it means they must deny reality in order to attain a facade of peace. Myths About Men and Women Breaking the fourth wall, Gallimard frequently reminds the audience that he has been loved by the perfect woman. Yet, the so-called perfect female turns out to be very male. Song is a clever actor who knows the exact qualities most men desire in an ideal woman. Here are some of the characteristics Song exhibits to ensnare Gallimard: Physical beautyShrewdness which gives way to submissivenessSelf-sacrificeA combination of modesty and sexinessThe ability to produce offspring (specifically a son) By the end of the play, Gallimard comes to terms with the truth. He realizes that Song is just a man and a cold, mentally abusive one at that. Once he identifies the difference between fantasy and reality, the protagonist chooses fantasy, entering into his own private little world where he becomes the tragic Madame Butterfly.

United States Constitution essays

United States Constitution essays The Constitution Right from the beginning of its creation the constitution of the United States has been a shaky document. The very basis for it being there was in fact illegal. The story of American politics starts with the Declaration of Independence. This document was brilliantly written by Thomas Jefferson and compacted all of the great ideas of enlightenment into one short easy to read paper. The declaration stated all of the ideals the new American nation would strive for. A constitution was needed as a way in which to fulfill those goals. The articles of confederacy were created as that constitution. However, they were weak, because no state wanted to give away any of their powers, and so the articles eventually failed. That is when the modern day constitution was starting to form. The Articles of Confederacy stated that in order to change any part of the document all thirteen states must agree to the change. Therefor a meeting was called so that they could amend the failing articles. However, representatives from two of the states did not show up. Even though not all states were represented the meeting started and the first vote was to totally throw away the Articles of Confederacy. The constitution wasnt formed yet and it was already a flawed document. Because not all states were represented when the articles required it, the constitution was an illegal document. The delegates working on the constitution new that they needed a stronger document, because the articles proved too weak, but it still needed to please all of the states. This was impossible. So what ended up happening was the new document became more and more vague. The only way to create a document that would pass was to make a document which didnt really solve any problems but make each state believe that there problems would be fixed. This was accomplished by making it so that it was too vague to offend ...

Irans Refusal to Release Iranian Americans Essay

Irans Refusal to Release Iranian Americans - Essay Example It involved the detention of dual citizenship holders, Haleh Esfandiari, Kian Tajbakhsh, Ali Shakeri and Parnaz Azima. This paper will recount the issues involved in this detention and the charges levied against these four Iranian-Americans based on newspaper accounts. It will also detail the reaction of US President George Bush and the rebuttals of Iranian officials. The purpose of this investigation is to determine if the detention is actually an Iranian act of terrorism against the US. According to news reports, the detention of the first of the Iranian-Americans occurred in May 8, 2007 when Haleh Esfandiari was incarcerated in Evin Prison, followed by the arrest of Dr. Kian Tajbakhsh on May 11, 2007, who was also remanded to the same facility. Two other Iranian-Americans were also charged, after having been prevented from leaving Iran for an undisclosed period of time. Ali Shakeri, on his way to Europe, was detained on May 8 as well while Parnaz Azima was prevented from leaving Iran when authorities confiscated her passport in January 2007. A brief description of the four detainees follows. "Haleh Esfandiari is the director for the Middle East Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars, in Washington". ("Haleh Esfandiari") She is an expert on Middle Eastern women's issues and democratic development as well as contemporary Iranian politics. She has published numerous papers on the contemporary issues concerning Iran, focusing on the plight of Iranian women. She has a doctorate degree from the University of Vienna and is the recipient of the MacArthur Foundation Grant. She has been prevented from leaving Iran since December 2006 when her luggage and passport were stolen while on her way out of Iran to the airport. ("Haleh Esfandiari") As a social scientist, Dr. Kian Tajbakhsh has published two books, received his Master's degree from University College in London and his doctoral degree from Columbia University. "He is also associated with the Open Society Institute, a non-profit organization promoting public health, humanitarian relief, culture, and local government". ("KIAN TAJBAKHSH, PhD"). Dr. Tajbakhsh worked with the Iranian government on issues of public health in rebuilding communities in the aftermath of the Bam earthquake ("KIAN TAJBAKHSH, PhD"). Ali Shakeri is an Iranian-American businessman connected with Global Estate Funding from Irvine, California who graduated from the University of Texas. He served in the University of California's Center for Citizen Peacebuilding as part of the Community Advisory Board. He is also an active member of the Ettehade Jomhourikhahan-e Iran (EJI) which is working for a democratic and secular republic Iran. Parnaz Azima is a journalist for US government-funded Radio Farda. Not much is available on the career of Parnaz Azima, but Radio Farda has long been a thorn on the side of Iran. A joint project of the Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) and Voice of America (VOA), it is a 24/7 radio service broadcasting news about Iran as well as popular Persian and Western music. The radio station's website, in which users can red and interact, had been blocked from access by the

Specific Learning Difficulties Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Specific Learning Difficulties - Essay Example Specific learning difficulty means that there are particular learning difficulties, which affect certain cognitive skills such as memory, sequencing or perception, rather than a general learning difficulty that affects most aspects of learning. Specific Learning Difficulties may include Dyslexia, Dyspraxia, and ADHD etc. Current perspectives are geared towards fostering primary school teachers' confidence. It is essential that all primary school teachers are effective in their ability to manage a diverse range of abilities and needs within the primary classroom. Success in this area is particularly prosperous in schools where staff works together in unison, adopting a team approach. It is vital to have a designated person within a school, which teachers are able to approach for support and advice when they encounter diversity in the classroom for which they feel they are not adequately prepared. Although there is a range of in-service training available, which fosters professional development, primary school teachers only usually receive training in the area they have curriculum responsibility for. Therefore the majority of teacher's may be inadequately prepared for the vast range of learning diversity encountered within the primary classroom. To assess the suitability of current perspective... Therefore the majority of teacher's may be inadequately prepared for the vast range of learning diversity encountered within the primary classroom. To assess the suitability of current perspectives, it is important to define the term 'Special Educational Needs'. This is a very difficult area to define. Warnock (1982) states that 'the concept of 'special need' carries a fake objectivity. For one of the main, indeed almost overwhelming, difficulties is to decide whose needs are special, and what 'special' means'. Firstly it is important to note that when Warnock introduced the term 'special educational needs', it was envisaged that this was something that the child may have at certain times, and in some areas more than others. It was never meant to be a way of attaching a label to a child, more a recognition that a child may need additional support in some areas. Nerveless, although it was introduced with good intentions, the tendency can often be to label children rather than needs. Special needs terminology is in debate because of reasons such as this. Solity (1991) has argued that the term 'special educational needs', 'actively encourages discriminatory practices', of which separate seating arrangements, being withdrawn from lessons in the mainstream classroom and being given token work are just some common practices. Recently we have encountered current debates, which argue for and against integration. There is a push towards all children being educated in mainstream schools. However whether this is good or bad depends on a variety of factors, for example, resources available, school ethos and staff training. It is important to also recognise that